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In any event, whether the present postures of the political parties are consistently more distinctive than they used to be is by no means obvious. Now, with our political parties somewhat more centralized, unified, cohesive, and disciplined-in sum, a bit more reminiscent of the style in European parliamentary regimes-analysts and pundits rhapsodize about the days of incongruous ad hoc coalitions, weaker party leadership, and often sloppy bipartisan compromises. Was the public philosophy of the Democratic party more intelligible in the days when it had to accommodate the likes of Southern segregationists under its big tent? For years political scientists had lamented the lack of a “responsible” party system in the United States. Surely, there is something to be said for that clarification. Sharper ideological separation between Democrats and Republicans offers voters “a choice, not an echo,” to borrow Barry Goldwater’s phrase. But that didn’t prevent the Democrats from winning control of the governor’s office and state legislature. On election night, Bush also swept all but a half-dozen counties in Montana. Yet that state’s entire congressional delegation remains composed of Democrats. North Dakota is blood red (Bush ran off with 63 percent of the vote there). Michigan and Pennsylvania-two of the biggest blue states-send more Republicans than Democrats. Some red states such as Tennessee, North Carolina, and Mississippi send at least as many Democrats as Republicans to the House of Representatives. The bright blue states of California, New York, and even Massachusetts have Republican governors. There are plenty of red states-Oklahoma, Kansas, North Carolina, and Virginia, to name a few-that have Democratic governors. Most of the country ought to be painted purple.
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What about the TV maps that depict “red” America clashing with “blue”? They are colorful but misleading. One of four in this fabled group voted for Senator Kerry. Roughly one out of five voters were self-described evangelicals. For the overwhelming majority of voters a combination of other issues such as the Iraq war, the terrorist threat, and the state of the economy were more salient. “Moral values” (however defined) appeared to be the leading concern of slightly more than a fifth of the electorate. So did 52 percent of those who favored civil unions. About 38 percent of those who thought abortion should be legal in most cases voted for Bush. Fifty-four percent of them went to Kerry, 45 percent to Bush.
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Both presidential candidates amassed support from them. Moderate voters were hardly sidelined in the 2004 election. electorate continues to share moderate political persuasions, and is not increasingly split by wedge issues like abortion or gay rights. Causes, consequences, and possible correctives need to be better understood.Ĭontrary to a misapprehension purveyed by more than a few casual commentators, the bulk of the U.S. Nonetheless, there remains reason to explore the nation’s supposed political polarization, for not all of it is a fiction. The country’s traditions of pragmatic accommodation and centrist policymaking are supposedly at risk in this hardened political landscape. The passions and polemics of maximalists, we are told, are crowding out the preferences of moderates. Bush’s victory was attributed to a mobilization of religious zealots. Kerry’s defeat was imputed to his party’s alleged deficit in moralists. The defining issue in last November’s tightly contested election was reported to be a deep divide over something called “moral values.” Senator John F. Journalistic accounts speak frequently of culture wars, and of a chasm between “red” and “blue” states. American politics are said to have become bitterly polarized.